布洛克《叙利亚传统研究导论》（中英文对照版）第一部分
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| I. WHAT IS SYRIAC? | I.什么是叙利亚语？ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Whether one is in, say, London, Paris, Amsterdam, Berlin, Detroit, Toronto, or Sydney, one should be able to find a church where all or part of the Liturgy on a Sunday is celebrated in Syriac. In the past one would have had to travel to the Middle East for this, but today there is a huge diaspora in Europe, the Americas, and Australia of people from the different Syriac Churches[1] One of the first things that a visitor to such a service is likely to be told is that Syriac is a form of Aramaic, the language of Jesus in firstcentury Palestine, a fact of which members of all the Syriac Churches are extremely proud. | 无论身处伦敦、巴黎、阿姆斯特丹、柏林、底特律、多伦多还是悉尼，人们都能找到一座教堂，在那里用叙利亚语举行星期天的全部或部分礼仪。过去，人们必须前往中东地区才能享受到这种服务，但今天，欧洲、美洲和澳大利亚有大量来自不同叙利亚教会的人。1 来参加这种礼拜的人首先可能会被告知，叙利亚语是亚兰语的一种，是耶稣在一世纪巴勒斯坦使用的语言，所有叙利亚教会的成员都对此深感自豪。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Syriac continues today as a liturgical language in current use in two Syriac Churches in particular, the Church of the East and the Syrian Orthodox Church. To a lesser extent it is also used in the Liturgy of the Maronite Church, but in recent decades Arabic has been making rapid inroads there at the expense of Syriac. | 叙利亚语作为一种礼仪语言一直沿用至今，特别是在两个叙利亚教会，即东方教会和叙利亚东正教会。马龙派教会的礼仪中也少量使用叙利亚语，但近几十年来，阿拉伯语在该教会中迅速发展，取代了叙利亚语。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Classical Syriac, however, is by no means just a “dead” liturgical language: it is still employed as a literary language, especially among the Syrian Orthodox, and in some circles it is even spoken and taught to children (it is the normal language of communication, for example, in the Syrian Orthodox monastic school of Mar Gabriel in Tur Abdin, in southeastern Turkey, where the children may come from Arabic-, Turkish-, Kurdish-, or Turoyo (modern Syriac) -speaking backgrounds). Within the last century several European works of literature have been translated into Syriac—including Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice and Dickens’ Tale of Two Cities. Numerous cultural magazines containing sections with contributions written in Classical Syriac are currently being published, both by the diaspora in Europe and elsewhere, and in the Middle East: one that started publication in 2005 is entitled Kurkmo, “Saffron,” since it is published by the Dayro d-Kurkmo, the Saffron Monastery (Deirulzafaran), just outside Mardin in southeastern Turkey (the Syrian Orthodox bishop of Mardin, Mor[2] Filoksinos Saliba, has an MSt in Syriac Studies from Oxford | 然而，古典叙利亚语绝非只是一种 "死亡 "的礼仪语言：它仍被用作一种文学语言，尤其是在叙利亚东正教中，在某些圈子里，它甚至被用来与儿童交谈和教学（例如，在土耳其东南部 Tur Abdin 的叙利亚东正教 Mar Gabriel 修道院学校中，它是正常的交流语言，那里的儿童可能来自讲阿拉伯语、土耳其语、库尔德语或 Turoyo（现代叙利亚语）的背景）。在上个世纪，一些欧洲文学作品被翻译成叙利亚文，包括莎士比亚的《威尼斯商人》和狄更斯的《双城记》。散居在欧洲和其他地方的叙利亚人以及中东地区的叙利亚人目前正在出版许多文化杂志，其中包括用古典叙利亚语撰写的文章：2005 年开始出版的一本名为 Kurkmo（"藏红花"）的杂志，因为它是由土耳其东南部马尔丁郊外的藏红花修道院（Deirulzafaran）Dayro d-Kurkmo 出版的（马尔丁的叙利亚东正教主教 Mor[2] Filoksinos Saliba 拥有牛津大学叙利亚语研究硕士学位）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| [1] 1 For these, and the different terms used for them, see the Appendix. [2] 2 Mor (or Mar) is an honorific title used both for bishops and for saints. | [1] 1 For these, and the different terms used for them, see the Appendix. [2] 2 Mor (or Mar) is an honorific title used both for bishops and for saints. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| University). Mardin itself now has a university where Syriac is taught, and in 2008 an international conference on the Syriac language was held there. | 大学）。马尔丁现在也有一所教授叙利亚语的大学，2008 年还在那里举行了一次叙利亚语国际会议。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| II. WHY STUDY IT? | II.为什么要研究它？ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| But just as people do not learn Hebrew in order to read the Hebrew translation of Goethe’s Faust, so no one is going to learn Syriac for the purpose of reading Dickens; nor is anyone today likely to find it useful (as St. Hilarion did, according to his biographer Jerome) for exorcizing possessed Bactrian camels. There are, however, other incentives, for there exists an extensive range of fine native Syriac literature, especially poetry, as well as of translations into Syriac from Greek and other languages, dating from the second century up to the present day. What is commonly regarded as the best of this literature, however, was written in the 300–400 years prior to the advent of Islam, and with one or two exceptions it is the literature of this “golden age” that has attracted the greatest attention among Western scholars. In recent years, however, there has been an increasing interest in the period of Late Antiquity and the transition to Islam, which has led historians to take much more interest in the Syriac sources for this period. It is worth looking at some of the areas which have claimed the particular interest of scholars. | 但是，正如人们学习希伯来语不是为了阅读歌德《浮士德》的希伯来语译本一样，也没有人会为了阅读狄更斯的作品而学习叙利亚语；今天，也没有人会发现叙利亚语对驱除被附身的巴克特里亚骆驼有用（根据传记作者杰罗姆的说法，圣希拉里翁就是这样做的）。不过，还有其他的激励因素，因为从公元二世纪至今，存在着大量优秀的叙利亚本地文学作品，尤其是诗歌，以及从希腊语和其他语言翻译成叙利亚语的作品。然而，人们通常认为这些文学中最优秀的作品都写于伊斯兰教出现之前的 300-400 年间，除了一两个例外，这个 "黄金时代 "的文学最受西方学者的关注。然而，近年来，人们对古代晚期和向伊斯兰教过渡时期的兴趣与日俱增，这使得历史学家对这一时期的叙利亚文资料产生了更大的兴趣。我们不妨来看看学者们特别感兴趣的一些领域。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| A. BIBLICAL STUDIES | A.圣经研究 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The study of Syriac has long been seen as an important adjunct to biblical studies. The first printed edition of the Syriac New Testament goes back to 1555 (the earliest European Syriac grammar dates from 1539), and the standard Syriac version of both Old and New Testaments, known as the Peshitta, features in the great Paris and London polyglot Bibles of the seventeenth century alongside the other ancient versions. | 长期以来，叙利亚文研究一直被视为圣经研究的重要辅助学科。叙利亚文《新约圣经》的第一个印刷版本可追溯到 1555 年（欧洲最早的叙利亚文语法可追溯到 1539 年），《新旧约圣经》的标准叙利亚文版本被称为 "佩什塔"（Peshitta），在十七世纪巴黎和伦敦的大型多语种圣经中与其他古代版本并列。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The Old Testament books were translated into Syriac directly from Hebrew, probably over a period by different people sometime in the second century AD. The fact that the translation was made from Hebrew, rather than from the Septuagint, makes it likely that at least some books will have been translated by Jews, and that in the case of any books translated by Christians, these Christians will have been converts from Judaism who still retained a knowledge of Hebrew. | 旧约》书籍是直接从希伯来文翻译成叙利亚文的，可能是在公元二世纪的某个时期由不同的人翻译的。由于是从希伯来文而非七十士译本翻译而来，因此至少有一些书籍可能是由犹太人翻译的，而在由基督徒翻译的书籍中，这些基督徒可能是从犹太教皈依而来，他们仍然保留着希伯来文知识。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| It is striking that Syriac tradition has no account of the origins of its biblical versions such as we have for the Septuagint in the Letter of | 令人吃惊的是，叙利亚文传统中没有关于其圣经版本起源的记载，就像我们在《腓力二世书信》中对七十士译本的记载一样。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Aristeas. Some books, in particular those of the Pentateuch, have certain features in common with the extant Jewish Aramaic Targumim, and it is possible that the translators of the Targumim and of these books in the Peshitta share a common Palestinian background. In the case of one book, Proverbs, there is, remarkably enough, a direct literary relationship, for the extant Targum of this book is evidently derived from the Peshitta (and not the other way round, as one might have expected). | Aristeas.有些书籍，尤其是摩西五经中的书籍，与现存的犹太阿拉姆语塔尔古米有某些共同之处，塔尔古米的译者与佩希塔中这些书籍的译者可能有共同的巴勒斯坦背景。值得注意的是，在《箴言》一书中，存在着直接的文学关系，因为该书现存的塔尔古米显然源自佩希塔（而不是人们所期望的相反）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Since the oldest Syriac translations of Old Testament books date from after the period of the stabilization of the Hebrew text in the first century AD, the Peshitta Old Testament is of less interest than the Septuagint to textual critics of the Hebrew Bible, although it does nevertheless offer number of interesting readings which feature in the apparatus of Biblia Hebraica and Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. | 由于《旧约》中最古老的叙利亚文译本是在公元一世纪希伯来文本稳定时期之后翻译的，因此对于希伯来文圣经的文本批评家来说，佩什塔《旧约》的意义不如七十士译本，不过它还是提供了许多有趣的读本，这些读本在《希伯来圣经》和《斯图加特希伯来圣经》中占有重要地位。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The Peshitta Old Testament is remarkably well provided with ancient manuscripts: the oldest dated biblical manuscript in any language, of 459/60, contains the Peshitta version of Isaiah, and there is an impressive number of manuscripts dating from the sixth century. | 佩什塔版《旧约》的古代手稿非常丰富：任何语言中年代最久远的圣经手稿（459/60 年）都包含佩什塔版《以赛亚书》，还有大量可追溯到六世纪的手稿。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Besides the standard version of the Old Testament, the Peshitta, there is a further translation, this time made from Greek in Alexandria around AD 615. Known as the Syrohexapla and made by Paul of Tella, this is a very literal translation of Origen’s revised Septuagint text in the Hexapla, together with his critical signs (asterisks and obeli) and many marginal readings derived from the Jewish Greek translators, Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus. Not quite the whole of the Syrohexapla survives, but since very little of Origen’s Hexapla remains in Greek the Syrohexapla is a witness of prime importance for Septuagint studies. | 除了《旧约全书》的标准版本《佩什塔》外，还有另一个译本，这次是公元 615 年左右在亚历山大制作的希腊文译本。该译本由特拉的保罗（Paul of Tella）翻译，被称为 "六合本"（Syrohexapla），是对奥利在 "六合本 "中修订的七十士译本文本的直译，加上他的批判性符号（星号和obeli）以及许多来自犹太希腊语译者阿奎拉、狄奥多顿和西马库斯的旁注。Syrohexapla》存世不多，但由于希腊文版本的《奥利六书》所剩无几，因此《Syrohexapla》是七十士译本研究的重要见证。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The only book of the so-called Apocrypha, or Deutero-Canonical literature, to be translated from Hebrew is Ben Sira (Ecclesiasticus); for all the remaining books the Syriac translators used the Greek text as their basis. | 在所谓的伪经（Apocrypha）或申命记（Deutero-Canonical）文学中，唯一从希伯来文翻译过来的书籍是《传道书》（Ben Sira）；对于其余所有书籍，叙利亚文译者都以希腊文为基础进行翻译。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| It is interesting to see that in the history of translation into Syriac (whether of biblical or of non-biblical texts) there is a continuous move away from the free to the very literal, a process which reaches its climax in the seventh century. | 值得注意的是，在翻译成叙利亚文的历史中（无论是圣经文本还是非圣经文本），都在不断地从自由转向非常直白，这一过程在七世纪达到了顶峰。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| There are several versions of the Syriac New Testament; of these, the oldest is probably a harmony of the Four Gospels, the Diatessaron associated with the name of Tatian (he appears occasionally to have used some other sources as well). This work, whose original language, Syriac or Greek, and whose relationship to the Western Diatessaron tradition, remains uncertain, dates from the second half of the second century AD. It | 叙利亚文《新约圣经》有多个版本；其中最古老的版本可能是《四福音书》的和合本，即与塔蒂安（Tatian）的名字有关的《Diatessaron》（他偶尔也会使用一些其他资料来源）。这部作品的原文是叙利亚文还是希腊文，与西方 Diatessaron 传统的关系仍不确定，其创作时间为公元二世纪下半叶。它 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| enjoyed wide popularity in the early Syriac Church, but was eventually suppressed in the early fifth century; as a result, no complete Syriac text of it survives: the nearest we have is Ephrem’s Commentary on it, the Syriac original of which only came to light just over half a century ago. Although little is known of its original form, the influence of the Diatessaron was very widespread and we have medieval adaptations in Persian and Arabic, as well as in medieval German, Dutch, Italian, and English. Some of its distinctive readings have retained an after-life in the Syriac liturgical tradition. | Diatessaron 在早期的叙利亚教会中广为流行，但最终在五世纪初被压制；因此，它没有完整的叙利亚文文本流传下来：我们所能得到的最近的文本是埃弗勒姆对它的注释，其叙利亚文原文直到半个多世纪前才被发现。虽然我们对其原始形式知之甚少，但《迪亚特沙龙》的影响非常广泛，我们有波斯语和阿拉伯语的中世纪改编本，以及中世纪德语、荷兰语、意大利语和英语的改编本。其中一些独特的读经在叙利亚礼仪传统中保留了后世。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The earliest Syriac Gospel text that survives is known as the Old Syriac, and is preserved, not quite complete, in two very old manuscripts, the Curetonian (in the British Library), and the Sinaiticus (at the monastery of St. Catherine on Mt. Sinai); to these two manuscripts some twenty folios of a third Old Syriac Gospel manuscript can now be added, also at St Catherine’s Monastery and, like the Sinaiticus, a palimpsest. Textually, the Old Syriac Gospel text is of very great interest, exhibiting a number of “Western” readings. Along with the Old Latin it is the oldest surviving translation of the Greek Gospels. It is likely that the Old Syriac once covered the whole Syriac New Testament Canon (which excludes Revelation, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, and Jude), but only quotations from books other than the Gospels survive. | 现存最早的叙利亚福音文本被称为旧叙利亚文，保存在两份非常古老的手稿中，一份是库雷顿手稿（藏于大英图书馆），另一份是西奈山圣凯瑟琳修道院的西奈抄本（Sinaiticus）。从文本上看，旧叙利亚文福音书文本非常有趣，显示出许多 "西方 "读法。与古拉丁文本一样，它是现存最古老的希腊福音书译本。旧叙利亚文很可能曾涵盖整个叙利亚新约圣经（不包括《启示录》、《彼得后书》、《约翰二书》、《约翰三书》和《犹大书》），但现存的只是福音书以外书籍的引文。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The standard New Testament version, the Peshitta, is a revision of the Old Syriac, completed probably around the beginning of the early fifth century. The work of revision has sometimes been associated with the name of Rabbula, bishop of Edessa (411–36), but this now seems unlikely. The distribution of the revised text was evidently very effective since Peshitta manuscripts (of which several go back to the late fifth century) show remarkably little variation among themselves: the oldest Peshitta Gospel manuscript was written in Edessa in 510, and constitutes the earliest dated Gospel manuscript in any language. Several other Peshitta manuscripts that are undated probably go back even earlier, to the late fifth century. | 标准的新约版本《佩什塔》是对旧叙利亚文的修订，大概在五世纪初完成。修订工作有时与埃德萨主教拉布拉（411-36 年）的名字联系在一起，但现在看来不太可能。修订文本的传播显然非常有效，因为佩什塔手稿（其中几份可追溯到五世纪末）之间的差异非常小：最古老的佩什塔福音手稿于 510 年在埃德萨写成，是任何语言中年代最早的福音手稿。其他几份未注明日期的佩什塔手稿可能可以追溯到更早的五世纪末。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| In the early sixth century the Peshitta was brought yet further into line with the Greek original under the auspices of the great Syrian Orthodox theologian Philoxenus, bishop of Mabbug, who had found certain passages in the Peshitta (notably Matt. 1:1, 1:18; Heb. 5:7 and 10:5) too free and susceptible of a “Nestorian” interpretation. His version, known as the Philoxenian (although it was a certain chorepiscopus Polycarp who actually did the work, completing it in 507/8) does not survive in its original form, but a century later it served as a basis for yet another revision, made by Thomas of Harkel in Alexandria, about 615. Thomas’s work, known as the Harklean, survives in a number of manuscripts (some of the seventh and | 六世纪初，在伟大的叙利亚东正教神学家、马布格主教菲洛希努斯的主持下，《佩什塔》进一步与希腊原文保持一致，菲洛希努斯发现《佩什塔》中的某些段落（尤其是《马太福音》1:1、1:18；《希伯来书》5:7 和 10:5）过于自由，容易受到 "景教 "解释的影响。他的版本被称为 "菲罗克森版本"（尽管实际完成这项工作的是一位名叫波利卡普（chorepiscopus Polycarp）的人，他于 507/8 年完成了这项工作），其原始形式已不复存在，但一个世纪后，亚历山大的哈克尔的托马斯（Thomas of Harkel）在约 615 年对其进行了另一次修订，并将其作为修订的基础。托马斯的作品被称为《哈克里》（Harklean），现存于一些手稿中（其中一些是第七版和第八版）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| eighth centuries) and, along with Paul of Tella’s contemporary Syrohexapla, it represents the peak of sophistication in the technique of literal translation: every detail of the Greek original is reflected—which greatly eases the work of the modern textual critic who is interested in reconstructing the underlying Greek text! | 八世纪），与泰拉的保罗同时代的 Syrohexapla 代表了直译技术的顶峰：希腊原文的每一个细节都得到了反映--这极大地方便了对重建基本希腊文本感兴趣的现代文本评论家的工作！ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| An excellent survey of the Syriac New Testament versions is to be found in chapter one of B. M. Metzger’s The Early Versions of the New Testament (Oxford, 1977), while for the Old Testament there is M. Weitzman’s valuable The Syriac Version of the Old Testament. An Introduction (Cambridge, 1999). An overview, which also covers something of the reception history of the Syriac Bible as well, can be found in my The Bible in the Syriac Tradition (2nd edition, Piscataway NJ, 2006). (For further details, see Chapter V, D) | 梅茨格（B. M. Metzger）的《新约早期版本》（牛津，1977 年）第一章对叙利亚文《新约圣经》版本进行了出色的调查，而关于《旧约圣经》，则有魏茨曼（M. Weitzman）珍贵的《旧约圣经叙利亚文版本》（The Syriac Version of the Old Testament.导论》（剑桥，1999 年）。有关《叙利亚文圣经》接受史的概述，也可参见我的《叙利亚文传统中的圣经》（第 2 版，新泽西州皮斯卡塔韦，2006 年）。(欲了解更多详情，请参阅第五章 D）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| B. PATRISTIC STUDIES | B.教父研究 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| A very large number of the works of the Church Fathers was translated into Syriac, sometimes more than once. The earliest to survive are some of Eusebius’ works, including the Theophania, largely lost in its Greek original; all these happen to be preserved in fifth century manuscripts. The process of translating Greek texts continued apace until the end of the seventh century, by which time the Arab invasions had largely cut off the Syriacspeaking churches from close contact with Greek world of what was left of the Byzantine Empire. | 教父们的大量作品被翻译成叙利亚文，有时还不止一次。最早流传下来的是尤西比乌斯的一些作品，包括《Theophania》，该书的希腊文原文已基本失传；所有这些作品恰好都保存在五世纪的手稿中。希腊文的翻译过程一直持续到七世纪末，阿拉伯人的入侵在很大程度上切断了讲叙利亚语的教会与拜占庭帝国残存的希腊世界的密切联系。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Syriac translations of the Greek Church Fathers are of twofold interest. In the case of works where the Greek originals survive, the Syriac translation not only usually antedates the earliest Greek manuscript by many centuries, but is itself preserved in manuscripts of great antiquity (sixthcentury manuscripts are not uncommon). | 希腊教父的叙利亚文译本具有双重意义。在希腊文原著存世的作品中，叙利亚文译本不仅通常比最早的希腊文手稿早许多世纪，而且本身也保存在非常古老的手稿中（六世纪的手稿并不少见）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Even more important are the Syriac translations of works whose Greek originals are lost: besides Eusebius’ Theophania, just mentioned, these include treatises attributed to Hippolytus and Gregory Thaumaturgus, Athanasius’ Festal Letters, Theodore of Mopsuestia’s Catechetical Homilies and Commentary on John, Cyril of Alexandria’s Commentary on Luke, and various works by Evagrius Ponticus. Syriac also preserves in translation the writings of several Greek anti-Chalcedonian theologians whose works, having been suppressed in their Greek form, would otherwise have been totally lost to us; most notable in this category are the voluminous works of Severus, patriarch of Antioch from 512 until 518, when he had to flee to Egypt for the next twenty years of his life. | 更重要的是对希腊文原作已经遗失的作品的叙利亚文翻译：除了刚刚提到的尤西比乌斯的《Theophania》外，还包括希波吕托斯（Hippolytus）和格雷戈里-陶马图尔古斯（Gregory Thaumaturgus）的论文、亚他那修（Athanasius）的《节期书信》（Festal Letters）、西奥多-莫普绥提亚（Theodore of Mopsuestia）的《教理讲义》（Catechetical Homilies）和《约翰福音注释》（Commentary on John）、亚历山大的西里尔（Cyril of Alexandria）的《路加福音注释》（Commentary on Luke）以及埃瓦格里斯-庞蒂库斯（Evagrius Ponticus）的各种作品。叙利亚文还保留了几位希腊反卡尔西顿神学家的著作译本，这些神学家的作品在希腊文中被压制，否则就会完全失传；其中最著名的是塞维鲁（Severus）的大量作品，塞维鲁是安提阿的元老，从 512 年到 518 年一直担任安提阿的元老，在此后的二十年中，他不得不逃往埃及。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| A list of the main longer Patristic texts translated into Greek is given in the bibliography section of T. Muraoka’s A Basic Syriac Grammar (2nd ed., Wiesbaden, 2005), pp. 153–5. M. Geerhard’s Clavis Patrum Graecorum (Turnhout, 1974–83; Supplement, 1998) indicates if a Syriac translation exists for any particular work, and based on this are the convenient listings by D. Gonnet in his contribution to Les Pères grecs dans la tradition syriaque (Études syriaques 4; Paris, 1907), 195-212. | T. Muraoka 的 A Basic Syriac Grammar（第 2 版，威斯巴登，2005 年）第 153-5 页的书目中列出了翻译成希腊文的主要较长教父文本。M. Geerhard 的《Clavis Patrum Graecorum》（Turnhout，1974-83 年；补编，1998 年）指出了是否存在任何特定作品的叙利亚文译本，D. Gonnet 在《Les Pères grecs dans la tradition syriaque》（Études syriaques 4；巴黎，1907 年），195-212 中提供了方便的列表。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| C. LITURGICAL STUDIES | C.礼仪研究 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| For anyone who has an interest in the history of liturgy Syriac has great riches to offer. It was the general area of Syria/Palestine that proved the most creative and fertile in this field for early Christianity, and it was from here that the rich Byzantine liturgies of St. John Chrysostom, St. Basil, and St. James ultimately derived; here too, more than anywhere else, did liturgical poetry, in both Greek and Syriac, flourish. The East Syriac Liturgy of St. Addai and St. Mari happens to be the oldest liturgy still in regular use, while West Syriac tradition has produced an astonishing abundance of anaphoras: over 70 come down to us, and of these a dozen or so are still commonly employed. | 对于任何对礼仪史感兴趣的人来说，叙利亚语都具有丰富的内涵。事实证明，叙利亚/巴勒斯坦地区是早期基督教在这一领域最具创造力和最富饶的地区，圣约翰-金口、圣巴西尔和圣雅各布的丰富的拜占庭礼仪最终都来自这里；这里的希腊文和叙利亚文礼仪诗歌也比其他任何地方都要繁荣。圣阿达伊和圣马里的东叙利亚礼仪恰好是仍在正常使用的最古老的礼仪，而西叙利亚传统则产生了惊人丰富的拟声词：流传下来的拟声词超过 70 种，其中十几种仍被普遍使用。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Of particular importance to the student of comparative liturgy is the early Syrian baptismal rite, consisting of an anointing followed by immersion in water, a sequence evidently modelled on the Jewish initiation rite of circumcision and proselyte baptism. Only around AD 400 was a post-baptismal anointing introduced, thus gradually bringing Antiochene baptismal practice into line with that of other areas. | 对于比较礼仪的学生来说，早期叙利亚的洗礼仪式尤为重要，它包括先膏后水的浸礼，这一顺序显然是仿照犹太教的割礼和改宗洗礼的启蒙仪式。直到公元 400 年左右，安提阿才开始采用洗礼后膏抹的方式，从而使安提阿的洗礼仪式逐渐与其他地区的洗礼仪式接轨。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Syriac is exceptional in that is the transmitter of liturgical texts of four different Church traditions, the Church of the East, the Syrian Orthodox and the Maronite Churches, and the Chalcedonian Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch, for which Syriac remained as one of its three liturgical languages (the others being Greek and Arabic) until the mid seventeenth century. Largely still unexplored Syriac manuscripts provide evidence for the remarkable change of liturgical rite, from Antiochene to Constantinopolitan, which took place within the Chalcedonian Patriarchate of Antioch over the course of the tenth to twelfth century, involving translations from Greek into Syriac of all the main liturgical books in use in Constantinople at the time. | 叙利亚文的特殊性在于它是四种不同教会传统（东方教会、叙利亚东正教和马龙派教会以及安提阿的卡尔西顿东正教牧首会）的礼仪文本的传播者，直到 17 世纪中叶，叙利亚文一直是其三种礼仪语言之一（其他两种是希腊文和阿拉伯文）。大部分仍未开发的叙利亚文手稿为礼仪的显著变化提供了证据，即从安提阿到君士坦丁堡礼仪的变化，这种变化发生在十至十二世纪的安提阿钦定教区，包括将当时君士坦丁堡使用的所有主要礼仪书籍从希腊文翻译成叙利亚文。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The critical study of the contents of the many liturgical books in use in the various Syriac Churches is still very much in its infancy. A general introduction to the West Syriac tradition is available in B. Varghese’s West Syrian Liturgical Theology (Aldershot, 2004). Mention should also be made of | 对各叙利亚教会使用的众多礼仪书籍内容的批判性研究仍处于起步阶段。B. Varghese 的《西叙利亚礼仪神学》（Aldershot，2004 年）对西叙利亚传统作了一般性介绍。还应提及 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| the useful bibliographical guide provided by A. Baumstark (one of the pioneers in the study of Syriac liturgy) in the appendix to his fascinating book, Comparative Liturgy (English translation: London, 1958), and of the two specialized bibliographies, by J. M. Sauget, Bibliographie des liturgies orientales 1900–60 (Rome, 1962), and by P. Yousif, A Classified Bibliography on the East Syrian Liturgy (Rome, 1990). | A. Baumstark（叙利亚礼仪研究的先驱之一）在其引人入胜的著作《比较礼仪》（英译本：伦敦，1958 年）附录中提供的有用的书目指南，以及 J. M. Sauget 的《1900-60 年东方礼仪书目》（罗马，1962 年）和 P. Yousif 的《东叙利亚礼仪分类书目》（罗马，1990 年）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| D. EARLY SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY | D.早期叙利亚基督教 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| So far we have only considered the interest of Syriac as an appendage to larger fields of study, but Syriac literature is also of value in its own right, and here we may select two particular aspects, early Syriac literature as the sole surviving representative of an indigenous Semitic Christianity, and religious poetry, the genre in which Syriac writers best excelled. | 到目前为止，我们只是将叙利亚文作为更大研究领域的附属品，但叙利亚文文学本身也具有价值，在此我们可以选择两个特别的方面：作为本土闪米特基督教唯一幸存代表的早期叙利亚文文学，以及叙利亚作家最擅长的体裁--宗教诗歌。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The earliest major authors whose names we know, Aphrahat and Ephrem, both of the fourth century, are little affected by Greek culture and they offer us a largely unhellenized form of Christianity that is deeply biblical in character and quite different in many respects from the Christianity of the Greek- and Latin-speaking world of the Mediterranean littoral. From the fifth to seventh century, however, Syriac-speaking Christianity underwent a process of ever increasing hellenization, with the result that no subsequent writers entirely escape from the influence of Greek culture in some form or other. Accordingly, it is primarily to these two early writers, Aphrahat and Ephrem, that we must turn in order to examine this phenomenon. This specific aspect of the earliest Syriac literature has been curiously neglected, despite its potential interest for the study of primitive Christianity as a whole, for which its relevance could be said to be much the same as that of Rabbinic literature for New Testament studies. | 我们所知道的最早的主要作家，即公元四世纪的阿弗拉哈特（Aphrahat）和以弗勒姆（Ephrem），几乎没有受到希腊文化的影响，他们为我们提供了一种基本未被阉割的基督教形式，这种形式具有深刻的圣经特征，在许多方面与地中海沿岸希腊语和拉丁语世界的基督教截然不同。然而，从五世纪到七世纪，讲叙利亚语的基督教经历了一个日益希腊化的过程，结果是后来的作家都没有完全摆脱希腊文化或多或少的影响。因此，我们必须主要从这两位早期作家--阿弗拉哈特和以弗勒姆--来研究这一现象。最早的叙利亚文学的这一特定方面一直被奇怪地忽视，尽管它对整个原始基督教的研究具有潜在的意义，其相关性可以说与拉比文学对新约研究的相关性如出一辙。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The fact that the earliest Syriac writers are largely “uncontaminated” by Greek—and hence European—culture also makes this literature of particular interest to modern Asian and African Churches which, quite apart from an understandable desire to be rid of Christianity’s various European cultural trappings, find themselves more at home with Semitic than with Greek thought patterns. | 最早的叙利亚文作家在很大程度上 "未受 "希腊--也就是欧洲文化的 "污染"，这一事实也使得现代亚洲和非洲教会对这些文献特别感兴趣，除了可以理解的摆脱基督教各种欧洲文化外，他们发现自己更适合闪米特人而不是希腊人的思想模式。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| An excellent and sympathetic introduction to this world of typology and symbolic theology will be found in R. Murray’s Symbols of Church and Kingdom (Cambridge, 1975; new edition, Piscataway NJ, 2004). There is also a good presentation in what might seem an unlikely place, C. Buck’s Paradise and Paradigm. Key Symbols in Persian Christianity and the Baha’i Faith (Albany, 1999). | 默里（R. Murray）的《教会与王国的象征》（Symbols of Church and Kingdom，剑桥，1975 年；新版，新泽西州皮斯卡塔韦，2004 年）是对这一类型学和象征神学世界的极好而富有同情心的介绍。巴克（C. Buck）的《天堂与范式》（Paradise and Paradigm）也有很好的介绍。波斯基督教和巴哈伊信仰中的关键符号》（奥尔巴尼，1999 年）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| A further particularly interesting feature of early Syriac Christianity is the early ascetic tradition and the development of a form of “protomonasticism,” along very different lines from the more familiar forms that developed in Egypt. An excellent introduction to this is given by S. H. Griffith, “Asceticism in the Church of Syria. The hermeneutics of early Syrian monasticism,” in V. L. Wimbush and R. Valantasis (eds.), Asceticism (New York, 1995). | 早期叙利亚基督教还有一个特别有趣的特点，那就是早期的禁欲主义传统和 "原教旨主义 "的发展形式，这与人们更熟悉的埃及的发展形式截然不同。S. H. Griffith 的 "叙利亚教会中的禁欲主义 "对此作了很好的介绍。The hermeneutics of early Syrian monasticism," in V. L. Wimbush and R. Valantasis (eds.), Asceticism (New York, 1995). | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| E. SYRIAC POETRY | E.叙利亚诗歌 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Syriac literature has produced (and indeed still continues to produce) a very large number of poets, but one in particular among them towers in stature as a poet of real originality and spiritual insight, Ephrem of Nisibis, who died in 373 at Edessa; his madrashe, or hymns, can justly take a place among the great religious poetry of the world—despite the derogatory judgment of one or two eminent Syriac scholars of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Ephrem’s is an allusive lyrical poetry filled with paradox and wonder, and making highly imaginative use of typological exegesis. His intricate theory of symbolism has been described as an anticipation of the basic philosophical position of Paul Ricoeur. It is unfortunate that there is still no complete English translation of his poetry.3 | 尽管 19 世纪末和 20 世纪初有一两位著名的叙利亚学者对他的诗歌进行了贬损，但他的诗歌在世界伟大的宗教诗歌中仍有一席之地。埃弗勒姆的诗歌是一首充满悖论和惊奇的抒情诗，对类型学注释的运用极富想象力。他错综复杂的象征主义理论被描述为保罗-里科尔基本哲学立场的预言。遗憾的是，他的诗歌至今仍没有完整的英文译本。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Syriac poetic form falls into two main categories, stanzaic and nonstanzaic verse; the former is known under the general title of madrasha, the latter under that of memra. Madrashe were certainly sung, and the titles of the melodies (called qale) are preserved, but not the music itself. Each stanza was picked up by a refrain, and Ephrem (whose genuine writings show a great tenderness and concern for women) was noted for having had his refrains sung by female choirs. | 叙利亚诗歌形式主要分为两大类：格律诗和非格律诗；前者的总称是 Madrasha，后者的总称是 memra。Madrashe 当然是唱出来的，旋律的标题（称为 qale）被保留了下来，但音乐本身却没有。每句诗都有一个反问句，埃弗勒姆（他的真实著作显示出对妇女的极大温柔和关怀）的反问句由女声合唱团演唱，因而备受关注。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Syriac verse form is based on syllable count (and not on length, or stress). Each madrasha will be based on a particular syllabic pattern built up of smaller syllabic groupings. Ephrem employs some fifty different stanza | 叙利亚文的诗歌形式是基于音节数（而不是长度或重音）。每一个 madrasha 都基于一个特定的音节模式，由更小的音节组构成。埃弗雷姆使用了大约 50 种不同的音节 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 3 The collection of madrashe on the Nativity and on Virginity, and those against the Emperor Julian, are translated by K. E. McVey, Ephrem the Syrian. Hymns (New York, 1989); the madrashe on Paradise are available in my St Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise (Crestwood, 1990), and the large collection On Faith is now translated by J.T. Wickes, St Ephrem the Syrian. The Hymns on Faith (Washington DC, 2015). A selection of 24 poems can be found in my The Harp of the Spirit. Poems of Saint Ephrem the Syrian (3rd edn, Aquila Books, Cambridge UK, 2013), and an introduction to his world view in The Luminous Eye. The Spiritual World View of St Ephrem the Syrian (Kalamazoo, 1992). | 3 关于耶稣诞生和童贞的赞美诗集以及反对朱利安皇帝的赞美诗集由 K. E. McVey 翻译，《叙利亚的埃弗雷姆》（Ephrem the Syrian）。赞美诗》（纽约，1989 年）；《关于天堂的赞美诗》收录在我的 St Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise（克雷斯特伍德，1990 年）中，《关于信仰的赞美诗》大全集现由 J.T. Wickes 翻译，St Ephrem the Syrian。关于信仰的赞美诗》（华盛顿特区，2015 年）。其中 24 首诗歌的选集收录在我的《精神之琴》（The Harp of the Spirit）一书中。圣埃弗雷姆的诗歌》（第 3 版，Aquila Books，英国剑桥，2013 年）中选录了 24 首诗歌，《发光的眼睛》中介绍了他的世界观。圣埃弗雷姆-叙利亚人的精神世界观》（卡拉马祖，1992 年）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| patterns, and these can range from the very simple (e.g., four lines of four syllables each) to the extremely complex. | 这些模式既有非常简单的（如四行，每行四个音节），也有极其复杂的。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The memra was suited for narrative or moralising verse, and was the vehicle for the distinctively Syriac genre of verse homily. Memre were probably recited, rather than sung, and they consist of isosyllabic couplets. In any particular memra the couplets may consist of 5+5, 6+6, 7+7, or 12+12 syllables (in the 12+12 syllable pattern there is always a caesura, after the fourth and eighth syllable). The 5+5 syllable pattern is traditionally associated with the name of Balai (fifth century), the 7+7 with that of Ephrem, and the 12+12 with that of Jacob of Serugh (died 521). | 梅姆拉适合叙事或寓意诗歌，也是叙利亚独特的诗歌赞美体裁的载体。梅姆拉 "可能是朗诵，而不是歌唱，由等音节对偶句组成。在任何特定的梅姆拉中，对联可能由 5+5、6+6、7+7 或 12+12 个音节组成（在 12+12 音节模式中，在第四和第八个音节后总是有一个停顿）。传统上，5+5 音节模式与巴莱（Balai，五世纪）的名字有关，7+7 音节模式与以弗勒姆（Ephrem）的名字有关，12+12 音节模式与塞鲁格的雅各布（Jacob of Serugh，卒于 521 年）的名字有关。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Undoubtedly the best practitioner of the madrasha form was Ephrem, but there are some fine compositions by other later writers too, among which a small group of short poems by Simeon the Potter (fifth/sixth century) deserves to be singled out. The memra form is already found in one of the earliest surviving examples of Syriac poetry, the famous “Hymn of the Soul,” preserved in the Acts of Thomas (6+6 syllables). In the case of Ephrem the demarcation between genuine and non-genuine is particularly hard to make where memre in the 7+7 syllable metre are concerned, since this was known by his name. | 毫无疑问，马德拉沙形式的最佳实践者是埃弗勒姆，但其他后世作家也有一些优秀作品，其中值得一提的有陶工西蒙（Simeon the Potter，五/六世纪）的一小组短诗。在现存最早的叙利亚诗歌作品之一，即保存在《托马斯传》中的著名的《灵魂赞美诗》（6+6 个音节）中，已经出现了 memra 形式。在埃弗勒姆的作品中，7+7 音节的 memre 尤其难以区分真假，因为这是以他的名字命名的。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Notable later poets who made extensive use of the memra are the East Syriac Narsai, head of the famous theological school at Nisibis (late fifth century), the West Syriac Jacob of Serugh, and the three Isaacs (all of the fifth/sixth century). Jacob’s verse homilies, in particular, include many beautiful explorations of biblical passages, bringing out their spiritual meaning. There are also a number of wonderfully imaginative retellings of biblical episodes in verse whose authors are completely unknown. In one of the poems on Genesis 22, it is Sarah—who is never once mentioned in the biblical text of the chapter—who turns out as the real heroine of the episode, having been tested, not once, like her husband, but twice! | 后来广泛使用 memra 的著名诗人有东叙利亚尼西比斯著名神学院院长纳尔赛（五世纪末）、西叙利亚塞鲁格的雅各布以及三位艾萨克（均为五/六世纪）。特别是雅各布的诗歌颂歌，包括许多对圣经段落的优美探索，彰显了其精神内涵。此外，雅各布还用诗歌对《圣经》中的一些情节进行了精彩而富有想象力的重述，而这些诗歌的作者却完全不为人知。在其中一首关于《创世纪》第 22 章的诗歌中，圣经文本中从未提到过的莎拉成为了这一情节中真正的女主角，她不是像她的丈夫一样经受了一次考验，而是两次！ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| According to the fifth-century church historian Sozomen, it was Harmonius, the son of Bardaisan “the philosopher of the Aramaeans,” who being “deeply versed in Greek learning, was the first to subdue Syriac, his native tongue, to metres and laws.” Since Bardaisan died in 222, his son Harmonius (if he is not entirely fictional) would have been active in the early third century. An examination of the actual evidence, however, indicates that the implication that Syriac verse form was based on Greek metre is totally incorrect. Evidently we are dealing with an example of Greek chauvinism, which preferred to see anything good in barbarian Syriac culture—such as Ephrem’s poetry, some of it already translated into Greek by Sozomen’s day—as ultimately derivative from Greek civilization. As a | 根据五世纪教会史学家索佐明（Sozomen）的记载，"精通希腊学说 "的 "阿拉米人哲学家 "巴尔达伊桑的儿子哈莫尼乌斯是第一个将自己的母语叙利亚语纳入度量衡和法律体系的人。由于巴尔达伊桑死于 222 年，他的儿子哈莫尼乌斯（如果不是完全虚构的话）应该活跃于三世纪早期。然而，对实际证据的研究表明，叙利亚诗歌形式以希腊格律为基础的说法是完全错误的。很明显，我们面对的是一个希腊沙文主义的例子，它倾向于将野蛮的叙利亚文化中的一切美好事物--如埃弗勒姆的诗歌（其中一些在索佐明时代已被翻译成希腊文）--归根结底都是希腊文明的衍生物。作为 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| matter of fact it is more likely that there was influence the other way round, and that the Syriac madrasha provided the inspiration for the Byzantine syllabic hymn form known as the kontakion, developed in the fifth and sixth centuries. Most of the best Greek hymnographers happen to come from Syria or Palestine, and the greatest exponent of the kontakion, Romanos, originated in bilingual Homs in Syria, where he could well have heard Ephrem’s madrashe regularly sung in church. In any case it is known from explicit statements by Theodore of Mopsuestia (died 428) and others that Syriac religious poetry was translated into Greek for use among Greekspeaking congregations. | 事实上，更有可能的影响是相反的，叙利亚的 Madrasha 为五世纪和六世纪发展起来的拜占庭音节赞美诗形式--"kontakion"--提供了灵感。大多数最优秀的希腊赞美诗作者都来自叙利亚或巴勒斯坦，Kontakion 的最伟大传播者 Romanos 出生于叙利亚的双语霍姆斯，他很可能在那里听到过埃弗雷姆的 madrashe 经常在教堂中传唱。无论如何，从西奥多-莫普绥提亚（Theodore of Mopsuestia，卒于 428 年）和其他人的明确陈述中可以得知，叙利亚宗教诗歌被翻译成希腊语，供讲希腊语的会众使用。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| F. SYRIAC AS A BRIDGE CULTURE | F.作为桥梁文化的叙利亚文 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The very large number of translations into, and out of, Syriac over the course of the centuries, right up to the present day, is indicative of the numerous contacts with neighbouring languages and cultures. Syriac happens to be have the earliest surviving Middle Eastern translation of the delightful Indian animal tales, usually known under the title of Kalilah and Dimnah. This Syriac version, in fact the first of three, was made in the sixth century from a lost Middle Persian translation that was much later to be the source of the Arabic version which ultimately reached Western Europe in the seventeenth century. | 几个世纪以来，从古至今，叙利亚语被翻译成希腊语或从希腊语翻译成叙利亚语的作品非常多，这表明叙利亚语与邻近语言和文化的接触非常频繁。叙利亚文恰好是现存最早的喜闻乐见的印度动物故事的中东译本，这些故事通常以《Kalilah》和《Dimnah》为名。这个叙利亚语版本，实际上是三个版本中的第一个，是在六世纪根据失传的中古波斯语译本翻译而成的。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Many people will be aware that a knowledge of Greek philosophy reached the medieval West by way of Arabic, travelling through Muslim Spain. What is not so widely realized is that Greek philosophy, medicine, and science did not at first reach the Arab world direct, but rather by way of Syriac. Syriac translations of the works of Aristotle and others go back to the early sixth century, and it was chiefly through the work of Syriac Christians working at Baghdad, the Abbasid capital, in the late eighth and ninth century that this process of transmission, the so-called ‘Translation Movement’, actually took place. Among the most famous of these translators was Hunain ibn Ishaq (died 873) who gave an interesting account of how he went about his work: having collected together the best and oldest Greek manuscripts he could find, he translated from Greek into Syriac and only then from Syriac into Arabic. The reason for this at first sight rather cumbersome procedure was that Hunain had behind him half a millennium’s accumulated experience of translating technical Greek texts into Syriac, whereas for Arabic there existed no such tradition and so this meant that translation from Indo-European Greek into Semitic Arabic was most easily achieved by way of another Semitic language, Syriac. Thus it | 许多人都知道，希腊哲学知识是通过阿拉伯语，经由穆斯林西班牙传入中世纪西方的。但不为人知的是，希腊哲学、医学和科学最初并没有直接传入阿拉伯世界，而是通过叙利亚文传入的。亚里士多德等人作品的叙利亚文译本可追溯到六世纪初，而这一传播过程，即所谓的 "翻译运动"，主要是通过八世纪末和九世纪在阿拔斯王朝首都巴格达工作的叙利亚基督徒的努力才得以实现的。其中最有名的翻译家是胡奈因-伊本-伊斯哈格（卒于 873 年），他对自己的工作方式做了一个有趣的描述：在收集了他能找到的最好和最古老的希腊文手稿后，他将希腊文翻译成叙利亚文，然后才将叙利亚文翻译成阿拉伯文。初看这一程序颇为繁琐，原因是胡奈因在将希腊语技术文本翻译成叙利亚语方面积累了长达半个世纪的经验，而阿拉伯语却没有这样的传统，因此这意味着将印欧语系的希腊语翻译成闪米特阿拉伯语最容易通过另一种闪米特语言--叙利亚语来实现。因此 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| comes about that a knowledge of Syriac is essential as a background to the study of Aristotelian philosophy among the Arabs. | 在阿拉伯人中，学习亚里士多德哲学必须掌握叙利亚语。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Thanks to the work of these translators both Arabic and Syriac preserve a number of Greek philosophical and medical works which would otherwise have been entirely lost, seeing that no Greek manuscripts of them survive. Among such works, which come down to us only in Syriac, are Nicholas of Damascus’ compendium of Aristotelian philosophy, Alexander of Aphrodisias’ On the Universe, a dialogue on the soul between Socrates and Erostrophos, some sayings of a lady Pythagorean philosopher called Theano, and Galen’s commentary on Hippocrates’ Epidemiai (the last only partly known in Greek and Arabic)—to name but a selection. | 由于这些译者的工作，阿拉伯语和叙利亚语都保留了许多希腊哲学和医学著作，否则这些著作就会完全失传，因为没有希腊语手稿流传下来。在这些仅以叙利亚文传世的作品中，有大马士革的尼古拉斯的《亚里士多德哲学简编》、阿弗罗狄西亚的亚历山大的《论宇宙》、苏格拉底和埃罗斯特罗福斯关于灵魂的对话、毕达哥拉斯派女哲学家提亚诺的一些言论，以及盖伦对希波克拉底的《Epidemiai》的评论（最后一部仅有部分希腊文和阿拉伯文版本）--这里仅列举其中一部分。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| It was, however, not only into Arabic that translations from Syriac were made: by the end of the first millennium AD works in Syriac had found their way into languages as diverse as Greek, Armenian, Georgian, Middle Persian, Sogdian, Coptic, and Ethiopic. Among those translated into Greek was the influential Apocalypse of Methodius (late seventh century) which reached the medieval Latin West by way of a Greek translation from the Syriac original. About a century or so later a collection of discourses on the spiritual life by Isaac of Nineveh (Isaac the Syrian) was translated into Greek at the Monastery of St Sabbas, south of Jerusalem; in due course these were translated into Latin and Slavonic languages where, for example, Isaac’s teaching can be found reflected in the words of Father Zosima in Dostoievsky’s The Brothers Karamazov. | 然而，从叙利亚语翻译成阿拉伯语的作品并不止这些：到公元第一个千年末期，叙利亚语作品已被翻译成希腊语、亚美尼亚语、格鲁吉亚语、中古波斯语、索格迪亚语、科普特语和埃塞俄比亚语等多种语言。其中被翻译成希腊文的是影响深远的《美多迪乌斯启示录》（七世纪末），该书通过从叙利亚文原文翻译成希腊文的方式传到了中世纪的拉丁西方。大约一个世纪后，尼尼微的艾萨克（叙利亚人艾萨克）关于精神生活的论述集在耶路撒冷南部的圣萨巴斯修道院被翻译成希腊文；随后，这些论述集被翻译成拉丁文和斯拉夫文，例如，在陀思妥耶夫斯基的《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》中，佐西马神父的话就反映了艾萨克的教导。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Sometimes this traffic could even be two-way, as happened dramatically with some of the Aesop literature: the Greek life of Aesop, on the one hand, contains a section taken from the Story of Ahiqar, an old Aramaic tale going back to the sixth or even seventh century BC; a collection of Aesopic fables, on the other hand, was translated into Syriac (and attributed to Josephus), only to find its way back into Greek at the end of the eleventh century AD masquerading under the name of Syntipas! | 有时，这种交流甚至是双向的，就像一些伊索文学作品那样：一方面，希腊文的《伊索的生平》中有一部分摘自《阿希卡尔的故事》，这是一个古老的阿拉姆故事，可以追溯到公元前六世纪甚至七世纪；另一方面，《伊索寓言集》被翻译成叙利亚文（并被认为是约瑟夫斯所著），直到公元十一世纪末才以 "Syntipas "的名义重新回到希腊文中！ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Because Syriac culture lay geographically between the Byzantine and Islamic worlds this has meant that the extensive Syriac chronicle tradition contains much that is of direct relevance to Byzantine and Islamic history, and there is a great deal of valuable source material lying there which is only beginning now to be properly tapped. The considerable number of relevant Syriac sources of interest for early Islamic history is helpfully surveyed by Robrt Hoyland in his Seeing Islam as Others saw it: A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on early Islam (Princeton, 1997). Several further titles of relevance here will be found in chapter V, under F and G. | 由于叙利亚文化在地理上处于拜占庭和伊斯兰世界之间，这意味着广泛的叙利亚编年史传统中包含了许多与拜占庭和伊斯兰历史直接相关的内容，其中蕴藏着大量宝贵的原始资料，现在才开始被适当挖掘。罗伯特-霍兰德（Robrt Hoyland）在其《他人眼中的伊斯兰教》（Seeing Islam as Others saw it）一书中对大量与早期伊斯兰教历史相关的叙利亚文资料进行了有益的调查：A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on early Islam》（普林斯顿，1997 年）一书中，罗伯特-霍兰德对大量与早期伊斯兰历史相关的叙利亚文资料进行了有益的梳理。在第五章 F 和 G 中还可以找到其他一些与此相关的书目。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| III. THE SCOPE OF SYRIAC LITERATURE | III.叙利亚文学的范围 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Considered historically, Syriac literature can conveniently be divided up into three distinctive periods: (1) the golden age of Syriac literature, up to the seventh century; (2) the Arab period until about 1300; and (3) the period from about 1300 to the present day. | 从历史角度看，叙利亚文学可方便地分为三个不同时期：(1) 叙利亚文学的黄金时代，直至七世纪；(2) 阿拉伯时期，直至约 1300 年；(3) 约 1300 年至今。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The first is the period which produced the most creative writers, and it is to this that we shall return shortly. The second period, which came to an end at about the time of the conversion of the Mongols to Islam, was essentially one of consolidation and compilation: as in the Byzantine world, this period saw the birth of an encyclopaedic type of literature, witnessing, right at its close, the appearance of the greatest of all Syriac polymaths, Gregory Abu’l Faraj, better known as Bar ‛Ebroyo/Barhebraeus (died 1286). Gregory wrote on every aspect of human knowledge of his time, and it is not for nothing that he has been compared to his western contemporary Thomas Aquinas (who died slightly earlier, in 1274). | 第一个时期产生了最有创造力的作家，我们很快就会回到这个时期。第二个时期大约在蒙古人皈依伊斯兰教时结束，主要是巩固和编纂时期：与拜占庭时期一样，这一时期诞生了百科全书式的文学，在其结束时，出现了叙利亚最伟大的多面手格雷戈里-阿布拉-法拉杰（Gregory Abu'l Faraj，又名巴尔-埃布罗约/巴黑布雷斯，卒于 1286 年）。格里高利的著作涉及他那个时代人类知识的方方面面，人们将他与西方同时代的托马斯-阿奎那（死于 1274 年，稍早于托马斯-阿奎那）相提并论并非没有道理。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The opening of the third period was a bleak one for all Christian communities in the Middle East, but the lamp of Syriac learning and literature never died out entirely, and there has been a continuous stream of writers, right up to the present day, who have employed classical Syriac as their main literary language. In the seventeenth century we also find the earliest flowering of Modern Syriac literature, in the form of poetry from the Alqosh school (northern Iraq); it was only in the nineteenth century, however, with the establishment of a Syriac printing press at Urmia (northwestern Iran), that a written literature in Modern Syriac really got going. (Among the English works, which the American mission at Urmia translated into Modern Syriac, was Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress). In the last fifty years of so there has been a renewed interest in both Classical and vernacular Syriac writing, not only in the Middle East, but also among the large emigré communities in Europe, the Americas, and Australia. A considerable boost to this has been provided by developments in computer technology and the new possibilities for publishing in Syriac script. | 第三个时期的开端对于中东地区的所有基督教团体来说都是暗淡的，但叙利亚语的学习和文学之灯从未完全熄灭，直到今天，仍有源源不断的作家使用古典叙利亚语作为他们的主要文学语言。17 世纪，我们还发现了最早的现代叙利亚语文学，其形式是来自阿尔科什学派（伊拉克北部）的诗歌；然而，直到 19 世纪，随着一家叙利亚语印刷厂在乌尔米亚（伊朗西北部）成立，现代叙利亚语书面文学才真正发展起来。(在乌尔米亚的美国传教士将班扬的《天路历程》翻译成了现代叙利亚语）。近五十年来，不仅在中东地区，而且在欧洲、美洲和澳大利亚的大型移民社区中，人们对古典和方言叙利亚语著作重新产生了兴趣。计算机技术的发展和用叙利亚文出版的新可能性极大地推动了这一趋势。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Syriac literature of the golden age (third to seventh centuries) emerges from anonymity (apart from Bardaisan) with the appearance of two great writers in the fourth century: Aphrahat, the author of twenty-three “Demonstrations” covering a variety of religious topics, and often touching | 黄金时代（三世纪至七世纪）的叙利亚文学摆脱了默默无闻的状态（巴尔达桑除外），四世纪出现了两位伟大的作家：阿弗拉哈特（Aphrahat）是 23 篇 "演示文稿 "的作者，这些文稿涵盖了各种宗教主题，并经常触及以下内容 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| on Jewish-Christian relations, and Ephrem, whom we have already met, undoubtedly the finest of all Syriac poets. But besides being an outstanding poet, Ephrem also wrote a number of prose commentaries on certain books of the Bible, among which his commentaries on Genesis and Exodus show an intriguing familiarity with Jewish exegetical traditions. His prose refutations of Marcion, Bardaisan, and Mani constitute an important (if frustrating) source of information on the teaching of these three “heresiarchs.” | 我们已经见过的埃弗勒姆无疑是叙利亚所有诗人中最优秀的一位。但除了是一位杰出的诗人外，埃弗勒姆还写了许多关于《圣经》某些书籍的散文注释，其中他对《创世纪》和《出埃及记》的注释显示出他对犹太注释传统的熟悉程度，这一点很耐人寻味。他对马尔基翁、巴尔达桑和马尼的散文驳斥是了解这三个 "异端 "教义的重要资料来源（如果令人沮丧的话）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The fifth and sixth centuries witnessed a remarkable hellenization of much Syriac literature, both in style and in thought patterns, although poetry remained less affected by such influence. Among the several notable poets of this era, both Jacob of Serugh (as a pupil) and Narsai (as a teacher) were associated with the famous Persian School at Edessa, which, after its closure by the emperor Zeno in 489, moved across the border to Nisibis, safe within the confines of the Persian Empire. The history of this important and influential school, which had Narsai as its director for the last decades of the fifth century, has been the subject of a number of monographs, the most detailed being that by the great Estonian Syriac scholar, Arthur Vööbus, though there now a more critical approach, especially towards the School in Edessa, has been taken by Adam Becker, in his Fear of God and and the Beginning of Wisdom: the School of Nisibis and the Development of Scholastic Culture in Late Antique Mesopotamia (Philadelphia, 2006). | 第五和第六世纪，叙利亚文学在风格和思想模式上都出现了显著的希腊化，但诗歌受这种影响较小。在这一时期的几位著名诗人中，塞鲁格的雅各布（作为学生）和纳赛（作为教师）都与埃德萨著名的波斯学派有联系，该学派在 489 年被芝诺皇帝关闭后，越过边境迁往尼西比斯，安全地留在了波斯帝国的版图内。这所重要而有影响力的学校在五世纪的最后几十年里一直由纳赛担任校长，许多专著都以这所学校的历史为主题，其中最详细的是爱沙尼亚伟大的叙利亚语学者亚瑟-沃博斯（Arthur Vööbus）的专著，不过亚当-贝克尔（Adam Becker）在他的《对上帝的敬畏和智慧的开端》（Fear of God and and the Beginning of Wisdom）一书中对这所学校，尤其是埃德萨学校的历史进行了更多的批判：尼西比斯学校与美索不达米亚晚期古代学术文化的发展》（费城，2006 年）一书中，亚当-贝克尔采取了更为批判的态度，尤其是对埃德萨学校。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Since Syriac literature has largely been handed down in monasteries it is not surprising that much of it is specifically Christian in character. From the strictly theological literature two authors stand out for their originality of thought (and, in the case of the first, his style): Philoxenus of Mabbug (died 523) in the Syrian Orthodox tradition, and Babai (died 628) in that of the Church of the East. Characteristically, both men also wrote treatises on the spiritual life, a topic on which there exist many very fine works in Syriac. Best known, but only one among many Syrian mystics, is Isaac of Nineveh (late seventh century), whose writings still remain today favourite reading among the monks of Mount Athos, while in Egypt their inspiration lies behind the contemporary monastic revival in the Coptic Orthodox Church. What influence the Syriac mystics had on early Sufism is a question which still requires proper investigation.4 | 由于叙利亚文学主要是在修道院中流传，因此其中大部分具有基督教特征也就不足为奇了。在严格意义上的神学文献中，有两位作者因其独创性的思想（以及第一位作者的风格）而脱颖而出：他们分别是叙利亚东正教传统中的马布格的菲洛希努斯（卒于 523 年）和东方教会传统中的巴拜（卒于 628 年）。两人都写过关于精神生活的论文，叙利亚语中有许多关于精神生活的优秀作品。最著名的是尼尼微的艾萨克（七世纪末），但他只是叙利亚众多神秘主义者中的一位，他的著作至今仍是阿托斯山修道士们最喜爱的读物，而在埃及，科普特东正教会当代修道士复兴的背后就是他们的灵感。叙利亚神秘主义者对早期苏菲主义产生了怎样的影响，这个问题仍然需要适当的研究。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 4 An interesting beginning has been made by an Orthodox monk in Finland, Fr. Serafim Seppälä, in his doctoral dissertation, now published as “In speechless ecstasy” | 4 芬兰的一位东正教修道士 Serafim Seppälä 神父在他的博士论文（现以 "无言的狂喜 "为题出版）中开了一个有趣的头 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Biblical exegesis is another prominent genre, with important representatives in both East and West Syriac tradition. Over the course of time commentaries on biblical books became more and more encyclopaedic and derivative in character, each writer drawing extensively from the work of his predecessors. Excellent representatives of the two theological traditions are the East Syriac Isho‛dad of Merv (ninth century) and the West Syriac Dionysius bar Salibi (died 1171), both of whom have left behind them commentaries on the entire Bible. Comparison of their two works and of their sources will show that, despite theological differences, there was a good deal of mutual interaction as far as the history of exegesis is concerned. Through an Arabic adaptation of the East Syriac commentary tradition by Ibn al-Tayyib (died 1043), the contents of this exegetical tradition eventually reached Ethiopia, where they still form the basis of traditional biblical study. A few biblical commentators show a remarkable critical insight, perhaps none more so than the learned Jacob of Edessa; besides numerous penetrating “scholia” on difficult biblical passages, there survives his commentary on the six days of creation (the Hexaemeron) which in places takes on more the form of a scientific treatise. | 圣经注释是另一种重要的体裁，在东西叙利亚传统中都有重要的代表。随着时间的推移，对《圣经》的注释变得越来越百科全书式和衍生性，每位作者都广泛借鉴了前人的作品。这两种神学传统的杰出代表是东叙利亚的梅尔夫的伊索达德（Isho‛dad of Merv，9 世纪）和西叙利亚的狄奥尼修斯-巴尔-萨利比（Dionysius bar Salibi，卒于 1171 年），他们都为整部《圣经》留下了注释。对这两部作品及其来源的比较将表明，尽管在神学上存在差异，但在注释史方面却存在着大量的相互影响。伊本-塔伊卜（Ibn al-Tayyib，卒于 1043 年）对东叙利亚文注释传统进行了阿拉伯语改编，这一训诂传统的内容最终传到了埃塞俄比亚，在那里它们仍然是传统圣经研究的基础。一些圣经注释家表现出非凡的批判性洞察力，其中最出色的可能要数博学的埃德萨雅各布；除了对圣经中的疑难段落进行大量深入浅出的 "scholia "注释外，他还对创世六日（Hexaemeron）进行了注释，其中有些地方更像是一篇科学论文。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| An ever popular genre—and one of considerable interest from the point of view of social history—is hagiography. Some pieces of Syriac origin, such as the life of Alexis “the Man of God,” were soon translated into Greek and Latin, and so came to enjoy a great vogue in the medieval West. A particularly fascinating collection of lives are those of the Persian martyrs, dating from the fourth to the seventh centuries[5] throughout which period the Church of the East suffered intermittent persecution from the Sasanid authorities, normally at the prompting of the Zoroastrian clergy. | 一个一直很受欢迎的体裁--从社会历史的角度来看也是相当有趣的--就是神迹。一些源于叙利亚文的作品，如 "神人 "亚历克西斯的生平，很快被翻译成希腊文和拉丁文，因此在中世纪的西方大受欢迎。波斯殉教者的生平尤其引人入胜，这些殉教者的生平可追溯到公元四世纪至七世纪5 ，在此期间，东方教会不时遭受萨珊王朝当局的迫害，通常是在拜火教神职人员的煽动下进行的。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Hagiography is often intimately connected with local monastic history. In the early Syriac life of Symeon the Stylite we can observe the tensions between this amazing athlete of the ascetic life and the monastic community to which he belonged. How such tensions came to be resolved in the course of time can be seen from the sixth-century Lives of the Oriental Saints, by the Syrian Orthodox Church historian John of Ephesus[6] Among | 福音书通常与当地修道院的历史密切相关。在叙利亚早期的斯蒂尔特人西米恩的生平中，我们可以看到这位令人惊叹的苦行运动员与他所属的修道院团体之间的紧张关系。从叙利亚东正教会历史学家以弗所的约翰所著的六世纪《东方圣徒传》6 中，我们可以看到这种紧张关系是如何随着时间的推移而得到解决的。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Expression and Interpretation of Mystical Experience in Classical Syriac and Sufi Literature (Helsinki, 2002). | 古典叙利亚文和苏菲文学中神秘体验的表达与诠释》（赫尔辛基，2002 年）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| John of Ephesus and the Lives of Eastern Saints (Berkeley, 1990). | 以弗所的约翰与东方圣徒的生活》（伯克利，1990 年）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| [5] 5 Some examples of these in translation can be found in S. P. Brock and S. A. [6] 6 This is a work well studied by S. A. Harvey in her Asceticism and Society in Crisis. | [5] 5 Some examples of these in translation can be found in S. P. Brock and S. A. [6] 6 This is a work well studied by S. A. Harvey in her Asceticism and Society in Crisis. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| East Syriac writers, Thomas of Marga’s Book of Monastic Superiors shows how vigorous—and varied—monastic life continued to be under early Arab rule. | 东叙利亚作家托马斯-马加的《修道院长者之书》显示了在早期阿拉伯统治下修道院生活的活力和多样性。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Insights into the daily life and problems of ecclesiastics in positions both high and low are provided by the correspondence of various bishops, including two East Syriac patriarchs, Isho‛yab III in the seventh, and Timothy I in the late eighth to early ninth, century. From the latter we learn, for example, that in his day the best Syriac manuscripts containing works by Greek writers were to be found in the library of the Syrian Orthodox monastery of Mar Mattai (still functioning today in northern Iraq), and he describes how he has to resort to underhand tactics in order to borrow them for copying. | 多位主教，包括两位东叙利亚族长--七世纪的伊索雅布三世和八世纪末至九世纪初的提摩太一世--的书信往来为我们提供了有关教会高层和低层人士日常生活和问题的见解。例如，我们从提摩太一世那里了解到，在他那个时代，包含希腊作家作品的最好的叙利亚语手稿都在叙利亚东正教修道院马尔马塔伊（Mar Mattai，如今仍在伊拉克北部使用）的图书馆中，他描述了自己是如何采取暗中手段借阅这些手稿进行抄写的。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| But by no means all Syriac literature is religious in character. Of particular importance for the historian are the various chronicles, of which there is a long line culminating in those of Michael the Syrian and Barhebraeus, both valuable sources for the history of the Crusades. Among the earliest works of this sort is the delightfully naïve Chronicle of Joshua the Stylite, a source from which (to use Peter Brown’s words) “we can learn more about what it was like to live (and to starve) on the streets of an ancient city, than we can ever know about the Rome of Cicero.” | 但并非所有叙利亚文学都具有宗教性质。对于历史学家来说，各种编年史尤为重要，这些编年史源远流长，以叙利亚人米迦勒和巴赫布拉修斯的编年史为顶峰，这两部编年史都是十字军东征历史的宝贵资料。在最早的此类作品中，有一部天真烂漫的《斯蒂利特人约书亚编年史》，用彼得-布朗的话说，从这部编年史中，"我们可以了解到在古城街道上生活（和挨饿）的情形，比我们了解西塞罗笔下的罗马还要多"。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Mention has already been made of Syriac philosophical and scientific literature. Although much of this was either translated from, or primarily based on, Greek works, the late Roman and early Arab period witnessed a number of scholars, such as Sergius of Resh‛aina (died 536), Jacob of Edessa (died 708), George bishop of the Arabs (died 724), and Moshe bar Kepha (died 903), who wrote with considerable learning and originality on secular as well as on religious topics. | 前面已经提到了叙利亚的哲学和科学文献。虽然其中大部分是从希腊作品翻译过来的，或者主要以希腊作品为基础，但在罗马晚期和阿拉伯早期，出现了许多学者，如雷什伊纳的谢尔盖（卒于 536 年）、埃德萨的雅各布（卒于 708 年）、阿拉伯人的乔治主教（卒于 724 年）和摩西-巴-凯法（卒于 903 年），他们在世俗和宗教主题方面都写出了颇具学识和独创性的文章。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Commentaries on, and introductions to, Aristotle’s logical works, constituting the Organon, take an important place among such writings.7 It is interesting to observe how little effect the Arab invasions had on Syriac culture of the seventh century; the many important scholars of this century also include among them a remarkable astronomer, Severus of Sebokht, only a few of whose writings have yet been published. On a less exalted level there are works in Syriac on alchemy, the interpretation of dreams, astrology, and various forms of divination. | 对亚里士多德逻辑学著作的评论和介绍构成了《奥尔冈篇》，在这些著作中占有重要地位。7 值得注意的是，阿拉伯人的入侵对七世纪的叙利亚文化影响甚微；本世纪的许多重要学者中还包括一位杰出的天文学家塞维鲁-塞博克特，他的著作只有少数出版。在不那么崇高的层面上，叙利亚语也有关于炼金术、解梦、占星术和各种形式占卜的著作。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 7 A summary guide to these can be found in my ‘The Syriac Commentary tradition’, reprinted as Chapter XIII of From Ephrem to Romanos (Aldershot, 1999). Especially important is the collection of articles by H. Hugonnard-Roche, listed in Chapter V H, below. | 7 这些作品的摘要指南可参见我的 "叙利亚文注释传统"，该书作为《从埃弗勒姆到罗曼诺斯》（Aldershot，1999 年）第 XIII 章重印。尤其重要的是 H. Hugonnard-Roche 的文章集，见下文第五章 H。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| There also survives a certain amount of essentially popular literature in Syriac, such as the animal tales of Indian origin, Kalilah and Dimnah (mentioned earlier, better known under the name of Bidpai to seventeenthcentury European writers like La Fontaine). This work exists in Syriac in three different translations, the earliest made from Middle Persian in the sixth century, the other two from Arabic, were made in the ninth and nineteenth century. | 叙利亚语中还流传着一定数量的通俗文学作品，如源于印度的动物故事《Kalilah》和《Dimnah》（如前所述，17 世纪欧洲作家拉封丹等人更熟悉的名字是《Bidpai》）。这部作品在叙利亚语中有三个不同的译本，最早的译本是六世纪从中古波斯语翻译过来的，另外两个译本是九世纪和十九世纪从阿拉伯语翻译过来的。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Of native Syriac origin are the lively contest and dialogue poems, with two protagonists speaking in alternate verses. Usually these have been given a thin liturgical veneer, and it is this which has ensured their survival. This is actually a genre which goes back to ancient Mesopotamia, from where we have examples in both Sumerian and Akkadian; subsequently it was to be taken up by the Arabs (known as the munazara), and, perhaps by way of Spain, by medieval Spanish and Provencal jongleurs. In the Middle East the genre has continued right up to the present day in several different languages. In Syriac the genre was first adapted by Ephrem who has three three lively poems where Death and Satan dispute over which of the two has the greatest influence over human beings. Later Syriac precedence disputes have protagonists such as Earth and Heaven, the Months of the Year, Wheat and Gold, the Vine and the Cedar, and so on. The majority of the Syriac dialogue poems, however, concern biblical characters such as Abel and Cain, Abraham and Isaac, Mary and the Angel, Mary and Joseph, or the sword-wielding Cherub of Genesis 3:24 and the Repentant Thief at the gate of Paradise. Combining insight, humour, and teaching, these delightful poems deserve to be revived and perhaps be adapted for different modern contexts. | 源于叙利亚本地的是生动的竞赛诗和对话诗，两个主人公在诗句中交替发言。这些诗歌通常被披上一层薄薄的礼仪外衣，正是这层外衣确保了它们的存续。这种体裁实际上可以追溯到古代美索不达米亚，我们在苏美尔语和阿卡德语中都有这种体裁的例子；后来，这种体裁被阿拉伯人（被称为 munazara）所采用，或许还被中世纪西班牙和普罗旺斯的吟游诗人所采用。在中东地区，这种体裁一直以几种不同的语言延续至今。在叙利亚语中，这种体裁最早由埃弗雷姆（Ephrem）改编，他有三首生动的诗歌，其中死亡与撒旦争论谁对人类的影响最大。后来的叙利亚文先例之争的主角有地球和天堂、一年中的几个月、麦子和黄金、葡萄树和雪松等等。然而，大多数叙利亚文对话诗都涉及圣经中的人物，如亚伯和该隐、亚伯拉罕和以撒、玛丽和天使、玛丽和约瑟夫，或《创世纪》3:24 中挥舞宝剑的谢鲁伯和天堂门前悔悟的盗贼。这些悦耳动听的诗歌集洞察力、幽默和教诲于一身，值得我们重新拾起，或许还可以根据不同的现代语境进行改编。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Several important areas of Syriac literature have been passed over in silence—the extensive apocryphal literature, and the canonical and legal texts,8 to name but a couple—but sufficient has by now been said to give some idea of the variety to be found within the confines of Syriac literature, and it is time to turn to look at the place of Syriac among the various Aramaic dialects, and then to survey some of the more important “tools of the trade.” | 叙利亚语文学的几个重要领域--大量的启示文学、正典和律法文本8--已经被悄悄地忽略了，但现在已经说得足够多了，足以让人对叙利亚语文学的多样性有一些了解，现在是时候来看看叙利亚语在各种阿拉姆方言中的地位，然后再考察一些更重要的 "交易工具 "了。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 8 One legal text, however, should not go without any mention: this is the “SyroRoman Law Book” of the late fifth century, which survives in Syriac translation: this work, of very great importance for the study of Late Antique society, has now been magnificently re-edited, with German translation and commentary, by W. Selb and H. Kaufhold, Das syrisch-römische Rechtsbuch, I–III (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, 2002. | 8 不过，有一部法律文本不能不提：这就是五世纪晚期的 "SyroRoman Law Book"，现存叙利亚文译本：这部著作对研究晚期古代社会非常重要，现已由 W. Selb 和 H. Kaufhold 重新编辑，并附有德文译本和评注，Das syrisch-römische Rechtsbuch, I-III （Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften，维也纳，2002 年）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| The term “Aramaic” in fact covers a multitude of different dialects, ranging in time from the early first millennium BC (isolated inscriptions) to the present day when various modern Aramaic dialects are still spoken in certain areas of Syria, Eastern Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and the Caucasus—and among several of the emigré communities. A considerable number of different written dialects of Aramaic are known from inscriptions, but only in three cases do extensive literatures survive. These were produced mainly in the course of the first millennium AD, by three different religious groups in the Middle East—Jews, Christians, and Mandeans; of these three, the Christian and Mandean dialects of Aramaic developed their own distinctive script, and it is largely for that reason that these two dialects have come to be called by the separate names of “Syriac” and “Mandaic.” The various dialects of Jewish Aramaic, on the other hand, were written in the form of the old Aramaic script which was adopted by the Jews after the exile for writing Hebrew (and hence now known as “square Hebrew,” as opposed to the older “palaeo-Hebrew” script). Today it is customary to use “square Hebrew” in printing all dialects of Aramaic other than Syriac and Mandaic (although texts from both these dialects have occasionally also been printed in Hebrew script). | 事实上，"阿拉米语 "一词涵盖了多种不同的方言，其时间范围从公元前一千年早期（孤立的碑文）到今天，在叙利亚、土耳其东部、伊拉克、伊朗和高加索的某些地区--以及在一些移民社区中--仍在使用各种现代阿拉米方言。从碑文中可以了解到相当多不同的阿拉米语书面方言，但只有三种方言有大量的文学作品流传下来。这些文献主要产生于公元第一个千年，由中东地区三个不同的宗教团体--犹太人、基督徒和曼底亚人--撰写；在这三个宗教团体中，基督徒和曼底亚人的阿拉姆方言发展出了自己独特的文字，这两种方言被分别称为 "叙利亚语 "和 "曼底亚语"，主要原因就在于此。另一方面，犹太阿拉姆语的各种方言是用古老的阿拉姆语文字书写的，犹太人在流亡后采用这种文字书写希伯来文（因此现在被称为 "方形希伯来文"，而不是更古老的 "古希伯来文"）。如今，在印刷除叙利亚语和曼达语以外的所有阿拉姆方言时，都习惯使用 "方形希伯来文"（尽管这两种方言的文本有时也用希伯来文印刷）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The correct classification of the Aramaic dialects remains a matter of dispute among scholars, and the following division of the dialects into five chronological groups follows the general schema put forward by J. A. Fitzmyer: | 学者们对阿拉姆方言的正确分类仍有争议，以下按照 J. A. Fitzmyer 提出的一般模式将方言分为五个年代组： | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| (1) Old Aramaic. This comprises the oldest surviving texts in Aramaic; all are inscriptions, and among them are the famous Sefire treaty texts. This period, when several different dialects are already discernible, is generally regarded as lasting from the tenth to the end of the eighth century BC (it should be remembered, of course, that the dividing lines between the different periods are inevitably somewhat arbitrary). | (2) Official Aramaic (sometimes also known as Imperial Aramaic, or Reichsaramäisch). Under the late Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian empires Aramaic came to be used more and more as a chancery language. This is well illustrated by an Assyrian wall painting depicting two scribes taking down records: one scribe is writing cuneiform Akkadian with a stylus, while the other is writing Aramaic, using a pen. Aramaic thus came to be the official language of empire inherited by the Achaemenids. From this period (sixth to fourth century BC) we have both inscriptions on stone and, from Egypt, documents and letters on papyrus and leather deriving from three different archives, the most famous of which is the Jewish one from | (1) 古阿拉姆语。这一时期包括现存最古老的阿拉姆语文本；所有文本都是碑文，其中包括著名的塞费尔条约文本。这一时期已经可以辨别出几种不同的方言，一般认为从公元前 10 世纪持续到公元前 8 世纪末（当然，应该记住，不同时期的划分难免有些武断）。| (2) 官方阿拉姆语（有时也称为帝国阿拉姆语或 Reichsaramäisch）。在亚述晚期和新巴比伦王国时期，阿拉姆语越来越多地被用作商会用语。亚述的一幅壁画很好地说明了这一点，壁画上有两个抄写员在记录：一个抄写员用笔书写楔形文字阿卡德语，另一个抄写员用钢笔书写阿拉姆语。阿拉姆语由此成为阿契美尼德王朝继承的帝国官方语言。从这一时期（公元前 6 世纪到公元前 4 世纪）开始，我们既有石刻铭文，也有来自埃及的纸莎草纸和皮革上的文件和信件，这些文件和信件来自三个不同的档案馆，其中最著名的是犹太档案馆。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Elephantine. Of the other two archives, one belongs to the Persian Satrap, while the other one consists of private correspondence. In recent years a further archive of official documents in Aramaic has turned up in Afghanistan, indicating how widely the language had spread. The Aramaic of the book of Ezra in its essentials belongs to this period. | (3) Middle Aramaic. The various texts that survive from the half millennium following Alexander’s conquests in the Middle East (in other words, the Hellenistic and early Roman Empire, up to about AD 200) are today often lumped together as “Middle Aramaic”; in fact the dialects represented are very disparate, for, on the one hand there are archaizing literary texts like the Aramaic of Daniel and some of the fragmentary Qumran texts in Aramaic, while on the other hand, there are the various local dialects, known mainly from inscriptions, which emerged around the turn of the Christian era at various points on the edge of the fertile crescent—Petra (Nabatean), Palmyra (Palmyrene), Hatra, and Edessa (the earliest pagan Syriac inscriptions belong to this period). From further away, Armenia, Georgia, and Afghanistan, come other inscriptions in what is often a very corrupt form of Aramaic. | (4) Late Aramaic. The period spanning the later Roman Empire and the beginnings of Arab rule (approximately AD 200–700) saw the emergence of a distinct division between Eastern and Western dialects of Aramaic. Western Aramaic includes Samaritan Aramaic, various Palestinian Jewish Aramaic dialects, and Christian Palestinian Aramaic (also known as Palestinian Syriac, since it employs the Syriac Estrangelo script). Eastern Aramaic comprises Mandaic, Babylonian Jewish Aramaic dialects, and Syriac (what emerged as the classical literary dialect of Syriac differs in some small details from the Syriac of the earlier pagan inscriptions from the Edessa area). | 象鼻山。另外两份档案中，一份属于波斯酋长，另一份是私人信件。近年来，在阿富汗又发现了一份用亚拉姆语书写的官方文件档案，这表明亚拉姆语的传播范围非常广泛。以斯拉记》中的阿拉姆语主要属于这一时期。| (3) 中阿拉姆语。亚历山大征服中东后的半个世纪（换句话说，希腊化时期和罗马帝国早期，直到公元 200 年左右）流传下来的各种文本如今常常被归纳为 "中古阿拉姆语"；事实上，所代表的方言是非常不同的，因为一方面有像但以理书中的阿拉姆文和一些零散的库姆兰文本中的阿拉姆文这样的古老文学文本，另一方面还有各种地方方言、另一方面，还有各种地方方言，主要是从铭文中了解到的，这些方言出现在基督教时代之初，位于新月沃土边缘的各个地方--特拉（纳巴泰语）、帕尔米拉（帕尔米尼语）、哈特拉和埃德萨（最早的异教叙利亚语铭文属于这一时期）。从更远的亚美尼亚、格鲁吉亚和阿富汗传来的其他铭文通常是一种非常腐朽的阿拉姆语。| (4) 晚期阿拉姆语。在罗马帝国后期和阿拉伯统治初期（约公元 200-700 年），亚拉姆语出现了明显的东西方方言之分。西方阿拉姆语包括撒玛利亚阿拉姆语、各种巴勒斯坦犹太阿拉姆语方言和基督教巴勒斯坦阿拉姆语（也称为巴勒斯坦叙利亚语，因为它使用叙利亚 Estrangelo 文字）。东亚拉姆语包括曼达语、巴比伦犹太亚拉姆语方言和叙利亚语（叙利亚语的经典文学方言与埃德萨地区早期异教碑文中的叙利亚语在一些小细节上有所不同）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| while several different Christian dialects are still in common use in the mountainous area formed today by eastern Turkey, northern Iraq, northwestern Iran, and Azerbaijan. In the area of southeastern Turkey known as Tur Abdin the local Syrian Orthodox Christians employ a dialect called Turoyo, the “mountain” language, which until recently was hardly ever written; now, however, its written form is being promoted in parts of the diaspora. In Iraq, Iran, and Azerbaijan the Chaldeans and East Syrians speak a rather different dialect (or rather, group of dialects); this is sometimes also written. It has already been mentioned that the earliest written texts in Modern Syriac, belonging to the seventeenth century, come from the Alqosh area in northern Iraq, while it was the dialect of Urmia that was subsequently promoted, in the nineteenth century, with the establishment there by the American Presbyterian mission of a printing press. That the dialect spoken in Iraq (variously called Fellihi, Soureth, or Swadaya) is still a force for politicians to take note of was shown by the action of the Iraqi government in 1972 when, in a decree of the 22 April, it granted “cultural rights to the Assyrian, Chaldean, and Syrian Orthodox citizens who speak Syriac.” Unfortunately this decree was only put into effect in a very limited way. | 而在今天由土耳其东部、伊拉克北部、伊朗西北部和阿塞拜疆组成的山区，几种不同的基督教方言仍在普遍使用。在土耳其东南部被称为 Tur Abdin 的地区，当地的叙利亚东正教基督徒使用一种名为 Turoyo 的方言，即 "山地 "语，直到最近这种语言还几乎没有被书写；不过，现在这种语言的书写形式正在散居地的部分地区得到推广。在伊拉克、伊朗和阿塞拜疆，迦勒底人和东叙利亚人使用一种相当不同的方言（或者说是一组方言）；这种方言有时也被写成文字。前面已经提到，最早的现代叙利亚文书面文本是十七世纪的，来自伊拉克北部的 Alqosh 地区，而乌尔米耶方言则在十九世纪随着美国长老会传教团在那里建立印刷厂而得到推广。1972 年 4 月 22 日，伊拉克政府颁布法令，赋予 "讲叙利亚语的亚述、迦勒底和叙利亚东正教公民以文化权利"。遗憾的是，这项法令的实施范围非常有限。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| In the last few decades two factors have led to a blossoming of publications in Modern Syriac: the large-scale emigration to western countries has meant that new possibilities for publishing in minority languages such as Modern Syriac have been opened up, and this has been made economically viable by the facilities for printing Syriac scripts using computer technology. | 在过去的几十年里，有两个因素导致了现代叙利亚语出版物的蓬勃发展：向西方国家的大 规模移民意味着为现代叙利亚语等少数民族语言的出版提供了新的可能性，而利用计算机技 术印刷叙利亚语脚本的设施又使其在经济上可行。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Classical Syriac emerges as an independent Aramaic dialect in the early first century AD, and is first attested in a pagan inscription dated AD 6, from Birecik on the river Euphrates, some 45 miles west of Edessa (whose modern name, Urfa, is derived from the Syriac Urhay), the cultural centre of Syriac literature. To early writers Syriac is actually known as “Edessene,” an indication that it started out simply as the local Aramaic dialect of Edessa. That it came to be adopted as the literary language of Aramaicspeaking Christians all over Mesopotamia may in part be due to the prestige enjoyed by Edessa thanks to its claim to possess a letter written by Jesus to its king (of Arab stock) named Abgar the Black (this was already translated into Greek, around AD 300, by Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History, I.13). | 古典叙利亚语作为一种独立的阿拉米语方言出现于公元一世纪早期，最早见于公元 6 年的异教徒碑文中，该碑文出自幼发拉底河畔的比雷西克（Birecik），距叙利亚文学的文化中心埃德萨（埃德萨的现代名称乌尔法源于叙利亚语乌尔海）以西约 45 英里。对于早期的作家来说，叙利亚语实际上被称为 "埃德塞语"，这表明它最初只是埃德萨当地的阿拉姆方言。它之所以被美索不达米亚各地讲阿拉姆语的基督徒当作文学语言，部分原因可能是埃德萨享有盛誉，因为它声称拥有耶稣写给其国王（阿拉伯人）黑衣人阿布加的一封信（这封信在公元 300 年左右已被尤西比乌斯在其《教会史》I.13 中翻译成希腊文）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| It is a remarkable fact that written Syriac, in the form that had become standardized by the fourth century, differs hardly at all in morphology from the written classical Syriac still employed today by Syrian Orthodox clergy | 一个引人注目的事实是，书面叙利亚语的形式在四世纪时已经标准化，与今天叙利亚东正教神职人员仍在使用的书面古典叙利亚语在形态上几乎没有任何区别。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| and some others. Nevertheless, although the language remained the same, there emerged two different pronunciations of Syriac, usually known as the “Eastern” and the “Western.” The Eastern, which is essentially the more archaic, came to be used by members of the Church of the East, living mainly in what is now Iraq and Iran, while the Western is employed in the Maronite and the Syrian Orthodox traditions whose homeland is further west (mainly modern Syria and southeastern Turkey). The most obvious difference between the two consists in the pronunciation of original a: the Eastern pronunciation preserves it (e.g., malka, “king”), while the Western alters it to o (malko). | 和其他一些语言。然而，尽管语言保持不变，叙利亚语却出现了两种不同的发音，通常被称为 "东方语 "和 "西方语"。东叙利亚语基本上是更古老的语言，主要为生活在现在的伊拉克和伊朗的东方教会成员所使用，而西叙利亚语则为家乡在更西部（主要是现代叙利亚和土耳其东南部）的马龙派教徒和叙利亚东正教传统所使用。两者最明显的区别在于原始字母 a 的发音：东方的发音保留了 a（如 malka，"国王"），而西方则将其改为 o（malko）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| SYRIAC SCRIPTS | 叙利亚文字 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The earliest Syriac inscriptions of the first and second centuries AD (all pagan) employ a script with many similarities to Palmyrene cursive writing, but by the time of our earliest manuscripts (early fifth century AD) this script has taken on a more formalized character, known as “Estrangelo” (probably from Greek strongulos, “rounded”). The British Library preserves many superb pieces of calligraphy in this hand. Although the script continued to be used well into the Middle Ages (and indeed enjoyed a dramatic local revival in Tur Abdin in the eleventh and twelfth centuries), during the course of the eighth century there emerged, side by side with it, a new and more compact script which had developed from an earlier cursive script, known from three legal documents from the early 240s and a few colophons, or end notes, by scribes of manuscripts otherwise written in Estrangelo. The new script is known as serto (literally “a scratch, character”), though in older European works it is often designated “Jacobite,” since it became the normal script employed by the “Jacobites” (i.e., Syrian Orthodox); it is in fact also used by the Maronites as well. A few centuries later, among the East Syrians, we see the gradual emergence from Estrangelo of the other main Syriac script, today employed by Chaldeans and Assyrians. This East Syriac script has likewise in the past usually been called the “Nestorian” or “Chaldean” script by European writers. From about the eleventh century onwards a third distinctive script associated with a particular ecclesiastical community developed, the Melkite; this was employed by scribes of the Chalcedonian Patriarchate of Antioch. | 公元一世纪和二世纪最早的叙利亚碑文（均为异教碑文）所使用的字体与帕尔米尼草书有许多相似之处，但到了我们最早的手稿时期（公元五世纪初），这种字体已经变得更加正式，被称为 "Estrangelo"（可能源自希腊文 strongulos，意为 "圆形"）。大英图书馆保存了许多这种字体的书法佳作。虽然这种字体一直沿用到中世纪（而且在 11 世纪和 12 世纪的图尔阿布丁还出现了戏剧性的地方复兴），但在 8 世纪期间，与它同时出现的还有一种新的、更紧凑的字体，这种字体是由早期的草书字体发展而来的，我们可以从 240 年代早期的三份法律文件和几份由抄写员书写的、原本用 Estrangelo 书写的手稿的副页或尾注中了解到这种字体。这种新字体被称为 serto（字面意思为 "划痕、字符"），但在较早的欧洲作品中，它通常被称为 "雅各布体"，因为它成为 "雅各布派"（即叙利亚东正教）使用的普通字体；事实上，马龙派也使用这种字体。几个世纪后，在东叙利亚人中，我们看到另一种主要的叙利亚文字体逐渐从埃斯特朗格洛出现，如今为迦勒底人和亚述人所使用。同样，这种东叙利亚文过去通常也被欧洲作家称为 "景教 "或 "迦勒底 "文字。大约从十一世纪起，又出现了第三种与特定教会团体有关的独特文字，即梅尔基特文字；安提阿卡尔西教区的抄写员使用这种文字。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The study of Syriac palaeography is still in its infancy, and the dating of manuscripts on the basis of the hand alone can be a matter of great uncertainty. The only guidance available is the excellent collection of photographs in W. H. P. Hatch’s An Album of Dated Syriac Manuscripts | 叙利亚文古文字学的研究仍处于起步阶段，仅凭手写体来确定手稿的年代可能存在很大的不确定性。唯一的指南是 W. H. P. Hatch 的《叙利亚手稿年代专辑》中的优秀照片集。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| (Boston, 1946; now reissued with an important new introductory chapter by L. van Rompay, Piscataway NJ, 2002). | (波士顿，1946 年；现重新出版，L. van Rompay 撰写了新的重要介绍性章节，新泽西州皮斯卡塔韦，2002 年）。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The early centuries of Arab rule witnessed the emergence of various vocalization systems to assist the reading and pronunciation of the unvowelled Arabic, Hebrew, and Syriac scripts. For Syriac we know that one of the early experimenters in this field was the great Syrian Orthodox scholar Jacob of Edessa, fragments of whose grammar, setting out his suggestions, survive. What finally emerged were two different systems, one used by Syrian Orthodox and Maronites (the so-called Jacobite vowel signs), and the other employed by East Syrians (the so-called Nestorian vowel signs); the former consist of symbols derived from Greek letters, the latter of different combinations of dots. In practice today West Syrian scribes (using Serto) rarely bother to insert the vowel signs, while East Syrian ones quite frequently give them. | 在阿拉伯人统治的早期几个世纪，出现了各种发声系统来帮助阅读和发音阿拉伯语、希伯来语和叙利亚语的非元音文字。就叙利亚文而言，我们知道该领域的早期实验者之一是伟大的叙利亚东正教学者埃德萨的雅各布，他的语法片段列出了他的建议，现存于世。最后出现了两种不同的系统，一种是叙利亚东正教和马龙派教徒使用的系统（即所谓的雅各布元音符号），另一种是东叙利亚人使用的系统（即所谓的景教元音符号）；前者由源自希腊字母的符号组成，后者由不同的点组合而成。实际上，今天西叙利亚的抄写员（使用 Serto）很少费心插入元音符号，而东叙利亚的抄写员则经常插入元音符号。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Many Syriac scribes, right up to the present day (as we shall see, manuscripts still continue to be copied), have been very fine calligraphers. A few have also been illuminators, and by far the most famous illustrated Syriac manuscript is the so-called “Rabbula Gospels” in the Laurentian Library, Florence. According to the long colophon the scribe Rabbula completed this magnificent work on the sixth of February “in the year 897 of Alexander,” that is AD 586, at the Monastery of St. John of Beth Zagba, somewhere in Syria. But this is by no means the only illuminated Syriac manuscript to survive, as can be readily seen by anyone who consults Jules Leroy’s Les manuscripts syriaques à peintures (two volumes, one of text, one of plates; Paris, 1964). | 直到今天，许多叙利亚文抄写员都是非常优秀的书法家（正如我们将看到的，手稿仍在继续抄写）。迄今为止，最著名的带插图的叙利亚文手稿是佛罗伦萨劳伦特图书馆收藏的所谓 "拉布拉福音书"。根据长长的题记，抄写员拉布拉于 "亚历山大897年"，即公元586年2月6日，在叙利亚某地的贝特扎格巴圣约翰修道院完成了这部宏伟的作品。但这绝不是唯一流传下来的叙利亚彩绘手稿，任何人只要查阅朱尔斯-勒鲁瓦的《Les manuscripts syriaques à peintures》（两卷，一卷为文本，一卷为图版；巴黎，1964 年），就不难发现这一点。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| IV. THE PLACE OF SYRIAC AMONG THE ARAMAIC DIALECTS Within the Semitic languages Aramaic belongs to the North West Semitic group which comprises Ugaritic, Phoenician, Hebrew, and Moabite, besides Aramaic. Within this group it happens to be Aramaic that has the closest relationship to Arabic (Arabic and the Northwest Semitic group being designated “Central Semitic”—as opposed to South and to East Semitic). By the end of the second millennium BC two distinctive sub-groups among the Northwest Semitic languages had emerged, Aramaic and Canaanite, the later consisting of Phoenician, Hebrew, and Moabite (some scholars would classify Ugaritic, too, as Canaanite). The following diagram indicates how the different Semitic languages are related to one another: Proto-Semitic (a hypothetical source language) West Semitic East Semitic Eblaite Akkadian Central Semitic South Semitic Assyrian Babylonian Epigraphic South Arabian Northwest Semitic Ge‛ez (Ethiopic) Canaanite Ugaritic Phoenician Hebrew Arabic 19 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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